Book curses and book blessings

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Avatar photoby ADAM LEE

AUG 25, 2023

A medieval manuscript, with a book curse written in the margin | Book curses and book blessings
A medieval book curse. The text on the right reads: “Book of Our Lady Ter Doest donated by Lord Dean Joseph of St. Donaas in Bruges. Whoever takes it away or alienates or tears out a sheet, be damned. Amen.” Credit: Bruges Public Library

Overview:

When books were rare and precious objects, their owners protected them with curses to deter thieves and vandals. We should adopt that same attitude of repugnance toward modern-day censors.

Reading Time: 5 MINUTES

We take it for granted that books are common objects. It’s easy to find one on any subject you want to read about.

You can patronize your favorite bookstore, where the shelves are stacked floor to ceiling with books. You can borrow a treasure trove of books from your local public library for free. Or you can buy anything you want from an online bookseller with an infinite virtual catalog and have it on your doorstep in a few days.

This casual abundance makes it easy to overlook how good we’ve got it. Book lovers of past eras had a much harder time. Until very recently in human history, books were rare and precious treasures.

Before Gutenberg

For thousands of years, from the dawn of literacy until the invention of movable type (1450 in Europe, and several centuries earlier in China), the only way to copy a scroll or a book was by hand, one letter a time.

It was a slow, arduous task requiring the labor of trained scribes. Imagine a medieval scriptorium: rows of monks working by candlelight in unheated rooms, writing with quill pens and ink they made themselves from local pigments. Imagine the straining eyes, the aching backs, the cramping hands. One marginal note, written in a medieval manuscript by the copyist, gives a sense of the labor involved: “Now I’ve written the whole thing. For Christ’s sake, give me a drink!”

Even the parchment that books were written on was a valuable commodity. It was made from calfskin, and it might require the slaughter of dozens or hundreds of calves to yield enough for an entire book. There was good reason not to waste it. This led to the creation of palimpsests: a book whose previous writing was erased, washed or scraped off, so that the precious parchment could be reused for something new.

These palimpsests are a treasure trove for modern scholars. With multispectral imaging, we can read the older, nearly-invisible traces of letters underneath the newer writing. Some ancient manuscripts are only known from these remnants.

Because books were so laborious to produce, the copyists made each one an object of beauty. Many surviving ancient texts are illuminated manuscripts, decorated with elaborate border art and illustrations, sometimes made with gold or silver leaf. A particularly elaborate book like the Lindisfarne Gospels might have taken as long as ten years to craft.

All the work required meant that books were luxuries of the very rich. And to top it all off, books were fragile. Unlike, say, a marble statue or an iron tool, they could easily be destroyed by fire, by water, by rot, or by simple thoughtless vandalism. All that staggering labor could be erased in moments—and often was. (The sum total of written material in Old English comes from a mere four books that survived the centuries.)

Naturally, people who owned books were fiercely protective of them. After you’d gone to the trouble of getting a book copied for your collection, you’d be more than a little piqued if someone borrowed it and never gave it back.

“Let him be fried in a pan”

This inspired one of my favorite literary inventions: the book curse.

Scribes would write these curses at the beginning or end of a book. Like Egyptian pharaohs’ curses on anyone who desecrated their tombs, they promised an awful fate for anyone who stole the book, damaged it, mutilated it, or borrowed it and didn’t return it to the owner.

A short book curse might threaten book thieves with excommunication, damnation or general wrath of God, like this one: “May the sword of anathema slay / If anyone steals this book away.”

However, they could also be longer and more inventive. A more detailed one went like this:

“If anyone take away this book, let him die the death; let him be fried in a pan; let the falling sickness and fever seize him; let him be broken on the wheel and hanged. Amen.”Marc Drogin, Anathema: Medieval Scribes and the History of Book Curses, quoted in Atlas Obscura

Another one reads:

“To steal this book, if you should try,
It’s by the throat you’ll hang high.
And ravens then will gather ’bout
To find your eyes and pull them out.
And when you’re screaming ‘oh, oh, oh!’
Remember, you deserved this woe.”

Medieval people were seriously hardcore about protecting their books.

The evil of book burners

Of course, book curses weren’t magic spells. They had no power outside the superstitious fear they inspired in potential thieves. On the other hand, that’s why the concept is brilliant. The kind of person who’d want to steal a book, presumably, also cares deeply for the written word. That’s the same kind of person who’d be most likely to believe that words have supernatural power to inflict harm on wrongdoers.

Aside from antiques and rare editions, books aren’t so scarce anymore. On the contrary, we’re positively drowning in words. There are more books published than anyone could read in a lifetime. For the first time in history, our biggest problem isn’t finding books, but choosing which ones to read.

We live in a world those candlelit medieval scribes could scarcely have imagined. Even still, there’s something we can learn from them. The lengths they went to to safeguard their precious books—and the violent hatred they felt for thieves and vandals—is an attitude we’d do well to reclaim.

In those ancient times, it was a special kind of evil to burn or otherwise destroy a book. To do so would be to consign countless hours of labor, sweat and devotion to the flames. It was all too possible to erase a book from existence by destroying every copy.

Nowadays, book burning and censorship are merely symbolic acts. The internet enables endless digital replication, perpetual archiving and virtually free distribution, all protected by encryption if necessary. It makes wannabe book destroyers’ efforts perfectly futile. Anyone with a modicum of technical knowledge, or a little bit of money, can read any book they want with very little effort.

Even so, we should hold to the view that to burn a book—literally or metaphorically—is one of the worst crimes you can commit. To keep knowledge out of the hands of those who come seeking it is a grave sin, in the secular sense of the word. Only those with truly depraved souls would attempt such a deed.

Books are accelerators

A book is a distillation of knowledge. It condenses months or years of research into a product that can be read and absorbed in a few hours. Because of this wonderful power, books were the first accelerators that sped up the pace of human progress. The more and more widely we read, the better equipped we are to comprehend the world and to see through others’ eyes. We can each be the beneficiary of many lifetimes’ worth of progress, far more than any one individual could rediscover on their own.

It’s this acceleration that book burners and book censors want to prevent. They want to keep us all tied to a single view of the world, a single set of ideas. Every book that challenges the status quo, that proposes new ways of seeing, is a mortal threat to them. When they come knocking to take the books from our hands, we know what to say to them, courtesy of our medieval forebears. We ought to have our book curses at the ready for any who want to defile the temple of knowledge.

Religion and education: Let’s be perfectly clear

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Avatar photoby DARREN SHERKAT

APR 25, 2022

Religion and education: let's be perfectly clear / students studying
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Despite a long-time understanding among sociologists that certain forms of religious belief and identification undercut educational attainment, contrarian social scientists and religious apologists often argue that education and religion are completely compatible. Recent arguments by Ilana Horwitz and Ryan Burge go further to claim that religion may even enhance educational success.

Such arguments wither under basic scrutiny.

Reliably offered by cheerleaders of religion, this perspective sees religious belief, identification, and participation as nurturing intellectual development and educational attainment. Religion is seen as fostering conscientiousness, a striving for perfection, beliefs in a higher purpose, and connections to a faithful community.

In short, religious commitments are seen by advocates of religion as a prerequisite to achieving a meaningful and flourishing life.

The problem with this view is that it fails to contend with the nitty-gritty of religious life: Which religious identifications? What religious beliefs? Why religious participation? Situating educational outcomes in the context of American religion is crucial for understanding the results.

Educational attainment—especially higher education—has consistently been shown to increase apostasy and reduce subscription to core religious beliefs. For instance, I have used data from the Youth-Parent Socialization Panel Study (YPSPS) to show that college preparatory coursework in high school and attainment of a college degree lowers beliefs in the veracity of the Bible later in life and increases the likelihood of renouncing religious identification. Those studies used high-quality data and the analyses controlled for a variety of potentially confounding factors like ethnicity, gender, parental social status, region, and rural residence. The negative associations between educational attainment and religious factors are also evident in cross-sectional data on apostasy taken from the General Social Survey (GSS), and GSS data also show that educational attainment reduces certainty of beliefs about gods and increases the likelihood that people reject beliefs in gods.  

As a non-Twitter user, I was amused to see a tweet by my former graduate student, Ryan Burge, promoting his new book on supposed myths about religion.  

Burge tweeted the following: (click link to article to see Tweet).

I have not read 20 Myths. However, the “data” from the tweet are apparently from a large, online, non-random “panel study” used to do quick and dirty analyses.

I trust Dr. Burge is familiar with the Literary Digest fiasco, if not the Gaussian assumptions about the need for random samples to extrapolate to population parameters. In any case, I guess he didn’t take my statistics courses at Southern Illinois University. Huge fractions of Americans do not use the internet at all. Almost no normal (in the Gaussian sense) individual would agree to participate in such a panel. And online panels are notorious for producing low-quality data that have no hope of estimating true population parameters.

Table 1: Association between degree attainment and religious factors: 2000-2018 GSS
DegreeNo Religious IdentificationApostateNon-TheistBible is FablesBible Word of GodReligious ParticipationNever Participate% of Full Sample
Less than High school16%9%11%14%54%3.428%13.9%
High School17%12%18%16%36%3.424%50.9%
Junior College17%12%19%18%30%3.620%7.8%
Bachelor’s Degree19%14%26%24%20%3.720%17.6%
Graduate Degree21%16%31%34%13%3.720%9.7%
N26,66226,40217,77921,39721,39726,47326,47326,662

In his tweet, Burge amplifies the centrality of “nones” but doesn’t try to ferret out the dynamic of how one’s education might influence that. Table 1 (above) presents data from the 2000-2018 GSS across a variety of identification and belief categories. First, Burge’s problematic data get the estimates dead wrong: There is a clear, almost linear positive relationship between degree attainment and non-identification with religion. While 16% of high school drop-outs are non-identifiers, the figure is 21% among those with a graduate degree.

The relationship is even stronger if you look at apostasy—people who reported having a religious identification at age 16 and now claim no religious identification. Only 6% of high school drop-outs are apostates, while 16% of people with graduate degrees relinquished religious identification. Comparing the distribution of nones and apostates is instructive. Among drop-outs, 56% of non-identifiers are apostates, while among those with graduate degrees 76% of nones were raised in some faith. This very much suggests that education plays a role in apostasy, even though many of the less educated are growing up without a faith commitment.

Burge’s problematic data get the estimates dead wrong: There is a clear, almost linear positive relationship between degree attainment and non-identification with religion.

Looking at the three belief items, the association is even more stark. Nearly a third of people with a graduate degree are non-theists (atheists, agnostics, or people who believe in a “higher power but not a god”) which is more than twice the total found among either high school graduates or drop-outs.

A similar difference is found for belief that the Bible is a book of fables. The least educated reject secular beliefs, while the most educated embrace them. While 34% of those with a graduate education believe the Bible is only a book of fables, only 16% of high school graduates and 14% of dropouts hold this view. Belief that the Bible is the literal word of God follows the opposite trajectory, with 54% of high school dropouts embracing literalism and only 20% of college graduates and 13% of those with graduate degrees. Ideally, one would have longitudinal data (as I did in my YPSPS papers) to show the influence of education more directly, but the association is very clear: higher education is associated with weaker religious beliefs and identifications.

The association is very clear: higher education is associated with weaker religious beliefs and identifications.

One place religious apologists can find solace is in the well-known positive association between social status and religious participation: religious participation is somewhat higher among those with at least some college education when compared to those with only a high school degree or none at all. Much of this is because higher fractions of the less educated don’t participate at all. Among respondents with no high school degree, 28% report never attending religious services, while among respondents with any type of college degree the figure is 20%. The less educated believe but don’t belong, while the more educated belong but don’t believe.

The explanation for this differential relationship between belief and belonging by social status is also well-established in the sociological literature. Religious participation is a social activity that requires time and resources. It grants people myriad social benefits through social capital formation, business networking, and the attainment of status in the community. High school dropouts and those who never went to college are unlikely to find such connections useful, and interactions with people who exceed their social status are unfulfilling and likely negative. The more educated also have more free time and fewer occupational impediments to religious activities. They don’t have to work at Walmart or Popeyes on Sunday. The more educated can afford wardrobes of appropriate attire to convey their status to the rest of the congregation. They are more likely to be married and to have well-behaved children who enjoy interacting with friends in the congregation.

It isn’t “religion” that brings the more educated into religious congregations, it’s the social rewards that religious groups can generate.

The less educated believe but don’t belong, while the more educated belong but don’t believe.

     Social scientific research shows that education undermines religious commitments and that religious commitments also undercut education. Religious fundamentalists and those who identify with sectarian denominations dissuade their children from taking college preparatory coursework in high school and from going to college, and the effect of parental religiosity on children’s educational attainment is particularly negative for women. Young people who embrace fundamentalism and sectarian Protestant identifications are also less likely to attend college and to graduate if they do attend. When sectarians and fundamentalists attend college, they typically attend less prestigious schools and often choose the shelter of fundamentalist colleges which have minimal offerings and questionable curricula. In the end, this results in religious conservatives having less prestigious occupations, attaining lower levels of income, and ultimately accumulating less wealth over the life course.  

Conservative religious commitments also undermine education through the political process, hamstringing education at every level for the entire society. Political movements rooted in sectarian Christianity undermine the teaching of everything from math to science to history. These movements use political power to influence textbooks, curricula, and personnel decisions in public educational institutions, and militate for the funding of religious schools and charter schools to the detriment of secular education. The vast network of conservative Christian alternative educational institutions help facilitate this, with the goal and result that Americans are less educated and less capable of sophisticated thought and scientific understanding.